“Call me on another line.
This phone is bugged.”
How many times have we heard that in movies? Wiretaps make their cameos in all kinds of movies and television shows, but recently they have been the subject of real live disputes regarding the legality of government warrantless wiretap operations. Last March a judge ruled that the F.B.I. violated a federal statute when it intercepted phone calls without first obtaining a warrant for wiretapping.
In a 45-page
opinion, chief judge of the San Francisco Federal District Court Judge
Vaughn Walker held that the government’s illegal wiretaps violated the rights
of Al-Haramain Islamic Foundation, a now discontinued charity based in
Judge Walker determined that because they were subjected to warrantless surveillance, the plaintiffs had demonstrated “aggrieved person” status. Evidence indicates that the plaintiffs may be able to prove over 200 days of unauthorized surveillance, which entitles them to recovery of certain damages. The wiretaps, which were illegally conducted under authority of the National Security Agency (NSA) of the federal government, apparently are in violation of Federal wiretap statutes dating back to 1978.
The Al-Haramain case involves the dynamic interplay between
two very important federal regulations: the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (FISA) and a legal doctrine known as
the state
secrets privilege.
First, FISA governs surveillance for the purpose of
obtaining foreign powers intelligence.
FISA created a special court called the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Court (FISC) which specifically hears requests for certain
warrants such as those covering wiretaps.
Government agents are supposed to obtain a warrant from FISC before
conducting wiretaps of the kind involved with Al-Haramain. It is the violation of FISA and FISC
procedures that allowed Judge Walker to characterize the wiretaps as
illegal.
Secondly, the Justice Department attempted to invoke the
“state-secrets” privilege in order to prevent the Al-Haramain plaintiffs from
using documents of the phone records in court.
Under the state secrets privilege, any lawsuit which could potentially
reveal state secrets may be dismissed even without conducting a hearing on the
merits of the claim. Here, the Justice
Department was unsuccessful in obtaining a state secrets shield, and the
documents became available as evidence.
In this case, Judge Walker weighed the invocation against
the FISA violation and concluded that the FISA law trumps the state privilege
doctrine.
Upon delving into the Al-Haramain lawsuit, you can’t help
but unearth the tale of secret
wiretap and eavesdropping investigations instituted by the Bush
Administration and continued
under the support of the Obama administration.
After the 9/11 attacks, the Bush administration became wary of FISA surveillance warrant requirements, claiming that they were too restrictive and cumbersome. Bush then approved expansions for surveillance programs under the National Security Agency (NSA), which, among other things, increased wiretaps of persons suspected to be terrorists by the hundreds.
The new program was referred to as a “Terrorist Surveillance
Program” or TSP. While the stated
motivation behind the program was to monitor for terrorist activity, NSA agents
could easily justify any warrantless surveillance by claiming that it was
related to terrorist inquiries.
As NSA wiretap activities deepened, Congress passed new legislation in 2008 which broadened wiretap powers by legalizing certain aspects of the NSA program and overhauling FISA. Surprisingly, among the supporters who voted for the bill was Barack Obama, who was a still a senator back then. The Obama administration’s position on wiretapping is similar to Bush’s aggressive expansion of surveillance efforts, and some critics have argued that Obama’s stance even surpasses that of Bush’s. Even many Obama supporters were not aware of efforts to keep the NSA program out of the spotlight.
Granted, national security is a top priority, but the NSA
outfit created a huge clash between executive agencies and the statutes put
forth by legislative powers. The
Al-Haramain ruling essentially declares the NSA program to be illegal, and
signals a shift in balance back to the mandates of Congressional statutes.
I think that perhaps the initial executive frenzy over
national security partly justified the overuse of warrantless taps. I mean, in a post-9/11 era that could
effectively be considered a near-war state of conditions, perhaps it was indeed
cumbersome to secure countless warrants.
But as the urgency behind the counter-terrorism rationale somewhat
abates, it is only right that the agency powers re-align with the guidelines
provided by Congress, especially for domestic matters unrelated to foreign
matters. As the attorney
for the Al-Haramain plaintiffs put it, “Kings and monarchs are above the
law, not U.S. Presidents- they don’t have the freedom to ignore the acts of
Congress”.
By: Jay Rivera
